I have changed or shortened some of the names and place names to protect those in ministry. -ed.
Dear Prayer Partner,
Thank you so much for your continuous prayer! Even though the country situation is not too good at this point, GOD is softening the ground and especially there is much happening at Tib. ground, which at one time seemed impossible. Now by HIS power we are seeing great breakthroughs among this people group. GOD has opened us HIS way to us to show HIS Love to this people groups. We are continuously building the relationship with them either by making friends, praying for them or meeting their most urgent needs.
We just closed our four months’ day care center for Mustangi (Loba) children. This winter we took care of 13 children: We demonstrated Love of Our Lord Jesus to them by taking care of their children. We cleaned them, taught health and hygiene, some rhymes, songs and some stories from the big book. We also organized a Christmas Eve festival to their parents where we preached Jesus to them and we have received several invitation to visit their villages in High Himalayan Land. As a result, we are making our trips there in April and May this year.
As I have been reporting to you, GOD has been doing so many wonderful things in Nepal. At these critical movements, where all the people are seeking peace, they are keen to know the Prince of Peace. The church in B- is one which is really been fire for the Lord in reaching their neighborhood. B- is [near] Lhasa.
In the third week of March we have invitation to do a medical camp there, we are focusing to reach Tibetan,Thami, and other unreached people groups there. Our volunteer medical team consists of two Nepali medical doctors and a staff nurse. We also provide the dental assistance. Meantime, we will have our ministry team with us who will do the pre- and post-counseling. By our experiences in the past, such medical works have brought many fruits. Please pray for us for this wonderful opportunity. We have medicines with us and a church has sent their nurse to do the volunteer work, and two busy doctors are also giving their time to serve the people there. We just need transport, lodging and fooding cost to be met during our three days’ stay there.
Yours in Him, R-
Wednesday, March 23, 2005
Nepal One Month On
By Charles Haviland, BBC News, Kathmandu
One month after King Gyanendra took direct power, sacking the last in a line of royal-appointed prime ministers, Nepal is still under a state of emergency and in the bad books of its closest allies. India, the United States and Britain were swift to condemn the coup and temporarily recalled their ambassadors. Washington's envoy said he would hold the king to an apparent guarantee to ease restrictions within 100 days. With 28 days gone, little has changed. The king's men who now run the country have rebuffed the critics. The political parties are cowed, their key figures detained or confined to their homes. Like King Gyanendra, they have pressed home the message that the coup's main purpose was to strengthen the fight against what they term terrorism, namely the Maoist rebels.
Tulsi Giri, cabinet deputy chairman, said it was no different from America's action after 11 September or India's war in Kashmir. They also say it was both necessary and legitimate, referring to Article 127 of the constitution which states that if "any difficulty" arises in implementing the constitution, "His Majesty may issue necessary orders to remove such difficulty". However, the same sentence continues: "and such orders shall be laid before parliament". Parliament was dissolved in May 2002.
Traditionally loyal
Nobody doubts the firmness of the king's grip on power now. The administration's two key men are ultra-loyalists to the palace. Mr Giri, who belongs to Nepal's tiny Jehovah's Witnesses religious community, has returned from self-imposed exile in Bangalore, India. A minister in Nepal's first democratically elected government of 1959-60, he then sided with King Mahendra - Gyanendra's father - when he sacked that administration, and played a key role in 1960-1990, when there was no democracy, serving as prime minister. The other key man, information technology adviser Sharad Shah, was also powerful pre-1990 and is described by one observer as "smart and shrewd - a royalist hardliner". He has been in India trying to sell the king's move to the government and opposition - so far, it seems, unsuccessfully. The army, traditionally loyal to the monarch, has been much strengthened since the 1 February coup. A group of top officers are believed to be advising King Gyanendra. Military men are overseeing bureaucrats in areas such as transport management, and are censoring the press as well as briefing journalists. One way the king has increased his grip is through the Royal Commission on Corruption Control, newly set up even though there is already a commission to investigate abuses and a special court to consider its prosecutions. The Royal Commission can investigate even Supreme Court judges, and its critics say it unfairly combines the roles of prosecutor and judge.
Common cause
Where does this leave the country's other players? The political parties are cowed, their key figures detained or confined to their homes. A new alliance of five parties has announced fresh protests for next week, but would-be demonstrators face possible arrest. Another party has cold-shouldered them, berating two big parties for serving in the last government. The Maoists would like to make common cause with the political parties, as suggested by their leader Prachanda's statement on Saturday calling for all "pro-people forces" to ally. Many analysts - and foreign governments - believe the coup strengthened the rebels by enabling them to concentrate on a single enemy and removing King Gyanendra's ability to blame big problems on the parties. However the parties continue to spurn the Maoists as long as the latter pursue violence. And the lifting on Sunday of a two-week road blockade by the rebels raises questions. As with previous blockades, it failed to provoke the urban uprising the Maoists want to see. It is not clear whether either side has been gaining the military upper hand, but violence continues. The past month has seen numerous casualties, both government and rebel, and reports suggest extra-judicial killings by both sides. Many Nepalis do support the king's move.
Blockades notwithstanding, many businessmen and women feel they can now work more securely. Kathmandu, at least, ignored the last Maoist call for a general shutdown - media censorship meant hardly anyone knew about it. Other Nepalis, however, deplore that lack of information, the suspension of rights and the detentions without trial. One month on from his takeover, King Gyanendra has still to prove to his critics that he can turn around an already desperate situation for the Himalayan kingdom.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4304001.stm
One month after King Gyanendra took direct power, sacking the last in a line of royal-appointed prime ministers, Nepal is still under a state of emergency and in the bad books of its closest allies. India, the United States and Britain were swift to condemn the coup and temporarily recalled their ambassadors. Washington's envoy said he would hold the king to an apparent guarantee to ease restrictions within 100 days. With 28 days gone, little has changed. The king's men who now run the country have rebuffed the critics. The political parties are cowed, their key figures detained or confined to their homes. Like King Gyanendra, they have pressed home the message that the coup's main purpose was to strengthen the fight against what they term terrorism, namely the Maoist rebels.
Tulsi Giri, cabinet deputy chairman, said it was no different from America's action after 11 September or India's war in Kashmir. They also say it was both necessary and legitimate, referring to Article 127 of the constitution which states that if "any difficulty" arises in implementing the constitution, "His Majesty may issue necessary orders to remove such difficulty". However, the same sentence continues: "and such orders shall be laid before parliament". Parliament was dissolved in May 2002.
Traditionally loyal
Nobody doubts the firmness of the king's grip on power now. The administration's two key men are ultra-loyalists to the palace. Mr Giri, who belongs to Nepal's tiny Jehovah's Witnesses religious community, has returned from self-imposed exile in Bangalore, India. A minister in Nepal's first democratically elected government of 1959-60, he then sided with King Mahendra - Gyanendra's father - when he sacked that administration, and played a key role in 1960-1990, when there was no democracy, serving as prime minister. The other key man, information technology adviser Sharad Shah, was also powerful pre-1990 and is described by one observer as "smart and shrewd - a royalist hardliner". He has been in India trying to sell the king's move to the government and opposition - so far, it seems, unsuccessfully. The army, traditionally loyal to the monarch, has been much strengthened since the 1 February coup. A group of top officers are believed to be advising King Gyanendra. Military men are overseeing bureaucrats in areas such as transport management, and are censoring the press as well as briefing journalists. One way the king has increased his grip is through the Royal Commission on Corruption Control, newly set up even though there is already a commission to investigate abuses and a special court to consider its prosecutions. The Royal Commission can investigate even Supreme Court judges, and its critics say it unfairly combines the roles of prosecutor and judge.
Common cause
Where does this leave the country's other players? The political parties are cowed, their key figures detained or confined to their homes. A new alliance of five parties has announced fresh protests for next week, but would-be demonstrators face possible arrest. Another party has cold-shouldered them, berating two big parties for serving in the last government. The Maoists would like to make common cause with the political parties, as suggested by their leader Prachanda's statement on Saturday calling for all "pro-people forces" to ally. Many analysts - and foreign governments - believe the coup strengthened the rebels by enabling them to concentrate on a single enemy and removing King Gyanendra's ability to blame big problems on the parties. However the parties continue to spurn the Maoists as long as the latter pursue violence. And the lifting on Sunday of a two-week road blockade by the rebels raises questions. As with previous blockades, it failed to provoke the urban uprising the Maoists want to see. It is not clear whether either side has been gaining the military upper hand, but violence continues. The past month has seen numerous casualties, both government and rebel, and reports suggest extra-judicial killings by both sides. Many Nepalis do support the king's move.
Blockades notwithstanding, many businessmen and women feel they can now work more securely. Kathmandu, at least, ignored the last Maoist call for a general shutdown - media censorship meant hardly anyone knew about it. Other Nepalis, however, deplore that lack of information, the suspension of rights and the detentions without trial. One month on from his takeover, King Gyanendra has still to prove to his critics that he can turn around an already desperate situation for the Himalayan kingdom.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4304001.stm
Sunday, March 20, 2005
Absolute Monarchy to Absolute Democracy
This is an essay by Kanak Mani Dixit, an interesting man who left the UN and New York in 1989 to return to Nepal where he has been an incredibly strong force in responsible journalism. [-ES]
King Gyanendra has taken the people of Nepal on a disastrous course, using the excuse of fighting an insurgency to compromise democracy. Nepali society must be returned to complete democratic rule, which also provides the only means to tackle the raging rebellion and promote social and economic progress in the long term. In order to stop a complete unraveling of the Nepali future, political parties backed by civil society must wrest the state back from the palace and military administration.
Nearly two months after the royal takeover of 1 February, it becomes clear that the regime change conducted by King Gyanendra was an attempt to bring back authoritarian rule on the pretext of tackling the Maobaadi rebellion. Since a military solution to the insurgency is impossible even by the reckoning of senior army officers, serving and retired, the proper course would have been to build a front with the political parties and then to engage the rebels. Instead, the king exploited the differences between the parties to prepare the ground for his takeover.
It has also become obvious that there was no plan as such behind the royal putsch, with which the palace was to tackle the Maobaadi challenge. The action of 1 February is therefore to be seen as nothing more than a power grab, the only correction to which is a complete return to multiparty government, an end to the state of emergency, and restitution of all freedoms and fundamental rights. The presence of the extra-constitutional Maobaadi in hill and plain cannot be used to blackmail the Nepali population and the international community to support discredited authoritarianism. The democratic state is more than capable of confronting the insurgency, as long as the palace and army do not play spoilsport.
On a historical scale, the royal action was and remains problematic in terms of both principle and practicality. It is not as if Nepalis had not suffered through three decades of the Panchayat system under the present king's father and brother. It was that royalist system which maintained the autocratic continuum into modern day Nepal and whose regressive legacy a dozen years of democracy had just begun to address. Nepalis who were 12 years old in 1990 when the Panchayat was ended are today 27, and they have known no political system other than parliamentary pluralism. Citizens of all ages have found their voice, and for this reason alone the country cannot now be converted into a police state bereft of fundamental freedoms
and civil liberties. For too long have Nepalis spoken and organized freely and seen the advantages of pluralism for social and economic progress, and 2005 is not 1960, back when it was possible for King Mahendra to muzzle society through his own royal coup d'etat. Indeed, the King Gyanendra's takeover has its origins in a 1960 deep freeze that does not countenance current socio-political reality. Additionally, while the earlier coup was carried out with the help of feudocrat power-brokers, including those who betrayed democracy, this time around King Gyanendra has made no-holds-barred use of the Royal Nepal Army. Only a king out of touch with present day discourse and unwilling to listen to the clear voices of social science and common sense could have read out the proclamation of 1 February and taken the actions that followed.
Since it is clear that the royal proclamation was not a knee-jerk action but something thought of months in advance with the help of willing military commanders, there would be some method behind the madness. The short term plan, already in implementation, is to act on the fear of the Maobaadi and browbeat the political parties while exploiting the latter's weaknesses and differences. Under a particular logic, the longer term plan would be to do away with the 1990 Constitution and develop another document which redirects substantial power back to the monarchy. Thereafter, an election would be conducted where a conservative force is made to emerge in order to sabotage the secular system of parliamentary governance. As in the Panchayat years, the proposed process would look and sound progressive, with sops for historically discriminated communities, but would at its heart be reactionary. All in all, King Gyanendra would be attempting to bring back 'guided democracy' by grabbing the keys to the
kingdom that have been in the hands of the citizenry since 1990.
Given that such a dangerous agenda is fraught with uncertainties, many who wish King Gyanendra and his dynasty well are keeping their own counsel while sycophants and quislings from the early Panchayat era are emerging from the slurry to try and turn back the flow of history. With the king now chairman of the Council of Ministers, the monarchy is exposed to the turbulence of politics and administration, but it has neither resilience nor goodwill on its side. King Gyanendra has donned a new hat, but does he realize that a blunder has been committed? If there is such realization, then the political parties may yet come to the rescue of the crown on the condition of an absolute and unconditional roll back to democracy. If the palace does not backtrack, the people are in for an extended agitation.
Today, Nepal faces on the one hand a state of emergency, suspension of civil rights and an autocratic military-supported regime. On the other hand, there is the vicious insurgency. The resolution of the Maobaadi challenge through dialogue and constitutional course-correction can only be contemplated when there is first a return to democracy. Barring a total collapse of the state, such a return can be contemplated through the reinstatement of the disbanded Parliament or through an interim government put in place at the initiative of the political parties, with or without the palace in agreement.
Seven weeks after 1 February, while we wait for King Gyanendra to reconsider his drastic and ill-advised action, and for the political parties to locate and act on their collective voice, it is time to review the royal takeover as it affects 26 million people of the 40th largest country in the world.
Detention of Politicians: The continuing detention of scores of political leaders and activists is, to put it simply, offensive. The incarcerations fly in the face of Nepal's democratic experience and can never be justified by the palace in the name of fighting 'terrorism'. King Gyanendra, as chairman of the cabinet, bears direct responsibility for the confinement of political leaders and the continuing clampdown on activists around the country, as he does for all other attacks on civil liberties under the state of emergency. A royal proclamation which repeatedly swore allegiance to democratic values has been implemented through a whole series of undemocratic acts. Article 27 (3) of the 1990 Constitution, which enjoins the monarch to "preserve and protect" that supreme law, has been used instead to destroy the letter and spirit of that document.
Freedom of the Press: The harassment of the media runs deeper than the jailing of journalists. There is a concerted campaign afoot to demoralize reporters, editors, radio producers and publishers, to break their will through continuous maltreatment. Those working outside Kathmandu Valley are extremely vulnerable to pressures from the district-level military commanders. In Kathmandu and elsewhere, editors of spirited tabloids are forced to submit to frustrating appearances before chief district officers. The royal action has halted Nepal's FM radio revolution in its tracks, and the future of this unique Southasian success story is now in jeopardy. The dishonorable manner in which this coup was conducted is exemplified by the palace press secretary who told the editor of a leading daily that the army was in control and he, the editor, "could even be disappeared for a few hours" if the royal strictures were not followed. Today, newspapers and magazines are banned at whim from entry into certain districts, the FM airwaves are empty of empowering news, discussion and information programmes, and clandestine rebel radio broadcasts now fill the resulting vacuum with their vicious propaganda. Among other ills, the king's clampdown has made it impossible for the press to cover Maobaadi abuse that is continuing. Simultaneously, the media is no longer there to report on excesses by the security forces. The public lies exposed and unprotected as never before. Overall, the advances achieved by print and electronic media over a dozen years of unfettered freedom are being rapidly eroded, and the domino effect on society and economy will be significant.
The RNA: The military-backed coup conducted by King Gyanendra constitutes a barrier to the evolution of the Royal Nepal Army as a professional force. The Nepal military, commended for serving in UN peacekeeping assignments over the decades, had found it a difficult fight after it was deployed to engage the Maobaadi in 2002. Its image already tarnished since by human rights abuse and disappearances, the RNA now stands accused of being part and implement of a coup. The royal takeover has forced army officers to take de facto command as local administrators, a function for which they are ill prepared. The longer the RNA is asked to play such a role, the more entrenched will be the anti-democratic and anti-people evolution of the polity. The militarization of society will retard social and economic progress for decades on end, and the RNA risks losing whatever credibility it presently has by engaging in everyday policing,
censorship, and otherwise preventing citizens from enjoying fundamental freedoms. Over the medium and long term, the army's deployment against the political forces will negatively affect the morale of soldiers and on their ability to protect the people. The Nepali army can only evolve into a disciplined and professional fighting force if it is kept out of public affairs and brought within full control of parliament in the long term if the national economy is sustained and international support continues in both the development and military arena. However, the extended period required for a victory-through-arms will simply entrench the military and exact an unbearable price from the populace. The open society built up with such sacrifice of the people will begin to unravel in innumerable ways. The one answer to both the political crisis and the Maobaadi challenge is a return to absolute democracy. The international community, including India, the United Kingdom and the United States as the main partners in the state's fight against the Maobaadi, has been steadfast since 1 February in its call for a return to multiparty democracy. This has been welcome and the international community is to be thanked, but it is unrealistic to expect more support than this from the outside. The battle for restoration of democracy must now gather steam within Nepal. Any resolution brokered from elsewhere will necessarily be more conservative and less democratic (and perhaps more hurried) than one fought for by Nepal's citizens. For all the world community's good intentions, foreign governments will hold stability of the country more important than transformation of Nepali society through democratic process. After a 'grace period' of a few months, it is likely that the external players will settle for a balance of power that favours an evolving status quo, which would not deliver optimum democracy with sovereignty resting entirely with the people. Meanwhile, King Gyanendra's attempt to run the country as a corporate CEO is taking him back to the discredited loyalists of the palace to run his regime. Since an extended royal rule is obviously not a possibility, one can make out the contours of a royal plan to build a new political terrain where pro-palace political forces are made to emerge. Loyal royalists would be nurtured so as to support monarchical activism well into the future. This would add a dangerous and diversionary departure from the open society that must be re-established in Nepal.
Evolution Ahead: As a country which emerged from centuries of authoritarianism only in 1990 (with only a year-and-half of democracy in 1959-60), the blame placed by King Gyanendra on a dozen years of pluralism for the inability to deliver social and economic progress is unreasonable and prejudiced. A decade and a half after the People's Movement of 1990, the present should have been a time when Nepalis were fine-tuning their democracy. Instead, we seem to have returned to the drawing board. While the talk until recently was of constitutional readjustment order to deliver a more inclusive state, we are back to the task of rescuing democracy from an active monarchy. Indeed, the time has come to try and save Nepali pluralism from the palace as well as the insurgents, by means of a principled yet practical resolution.
Where do we go from here? The way is still open for King Gyanendra to work with the parties, as he could have on 4 October 2002 or 1 February 2005. The Maobaadi could still lay down their arms and join the democratic parties in above-ground politics. But the royalist and Maobaadi mindsets are not variables that one can rely on, so it is important for those who believe in open society to chart an independent course. Only the political parties of the suspended Third Parliament have the legitimacy to lead this charge, because they more than any other entity (monarch, rebel or anyone from 'civil society') represent the people by the fact of having submitted to the ballot.
Evolution of constitutional practice through parliamentary exercise and judicial oversight is the obvious path of political progress, but the shakeup of the polity has been such that there is no escaping the need to revise the 1990 Constitution while standing on the platform it has created. Such a revision can be achieved through a permutation or combination of a number of recourses, including a referendum, election-to-parliament, election-to-constituent assembly, or a roundtable conference of all concerned parties including the rebels. Constitutional reform would have to address matters which go to the heart of the current discourse, such as ensuring the RNA's allegiance to civilian government; instituting a restrictive definition of constitutional monarchy that defines a ceremonial role for the king; removing the 'Hindu' appellation from the description of the state; and transitioning to a federal system of governance based on sound economic and political principles rather than on race, ethnicity, language or faith.
While constitutional evolution is of utmost importance, however, the immediate task is to rescue democracy as we know it under the 1990 Constitution. Failure to do so can invite adventurism from the extreme left or right. The rapid descent to an authoritarian state requires the political parties to take immediate action to return the people from absolute monarchy to absolute democracy.
The present royal government with the king as chairman is illegitimate under any interpretation of the 1990 Constitution as well as in light of the general democratic principles. A resolution which would 'cleanse' the monarchy of the stain of 1 February and at the same time revive the democratic process under the 1990 Constitution would of course be the revival of the Third Parliament. Indeed, no political move could be more people-friendly than to revive the Lower House for a specified period, with preliminary understanding among the main players about the key tasks, such as formation of cabinet, talks with the Maobaadi, and the longer term constitutional issues. If King Gyanendra recognizes the blunder that was the royal proclamation, he may yet opt for a revival of Parliament as an institution - which incidentally would also be a secure dynasty-saving action.
If not a revived Parliament, political resolution would have to come in the form of an interim government under the aegis of the mainstream political parties. If King Gyanendra understood the perils of the moment, he would seek the help of the parties and encourage them to cobble together such a government. Under the reasonable assumption that he will not pick this option, the political parties must present the palace with a fait accompli in the form of a fully-formed interim government. Such a government could be an all-party entity, or also include a mix of respected independent individuals. Such a government chosen by the parties rather than by the palace has been a requirement since October 2002, and can still be a means of simultaneously reinstating democracy, addressing the insurgency, and stabilizing the polity and economy.
The establishment of an interim government by the political parties would not obviate further evolution of the polity to respond to the drastic royal move of 1 February. This would be an emergency measure to respond to the public's democratic inclinations as indicated in numerous public opinion polls, and to ensure that the supportive international reaction on behalf of the Nepali people and against royal adventurism is not wasted. Once a people's rather than king's government has been put in place, it is important for those in the saddle not to forget the pressing constitutional, political, economic and social issues that must be tackled in order to ensure that the fruits of democracy are finally delivered to the people of Nepal.
Hopefully, the crisis brought on by the rebels in the jungle and the king in the palace has brought sober appreciation of the need to reinstate and vigorously protect parliamentary democracy. At the same time, the burden is now on the political parties and individual leaders to conduct themselves in the weeks ahead in a manner that respects the people of Nepal and responds to their trust in the democratic process. The path to the immediate future should be defined by political forces backed and watch-dogged by civil society, to challenge the king and to set up an interim government. The people await their representatives to respond to this need of the hour.
Over the last nine years, the hopes of the people of Nepal have been massively compromised by the violence brought on by the Maobaadi insurgency. Now the people have the misfortune to be led in an opposite and equally unrealistic direction by a king who misreads the demands of the so-called twenty-first century. How far can the lot of the people worsen? When will relief come and of what kind? Nepalis still have it in their power to decide for themselves, and to reverse the regime change introduced on 1 February. If King Gyanendra will not loosen his grip on the state, the state will have to pried from him.
King Gyanendra has taken the people of Nepal on a disastrous course, using the excuse of fighting an insurgency to compromise democracy. Nepali society must be returned to complete democratic rule, which also provides the only means to tackle the raging rebellion and promote social and economic progress in the long term. In order to stop a complete unraveling of the Nepali future, political parties backed by civil society must wrest the state back from the palace and military administration.
Nearly two months after the royal takeover of 1 February, it becomes clear that the regime change conducted by King Gyanendra was an attempt to bring back authoritarian rule on the pretext of tackling the Maobaadi rebellion. Since a military solution to the insurgency is impossible even by the reckoning of senior army officers, serving and retired, the proper course would have been to build a front with the political parties and then to engage the rebels. Instead, the king exploited the differences between the parties to prepare the ground for his takeover.
It has also become obvious that there was no plan as such behind the royal putsch, with which the palace was to tackle the Maobaadi challenge. The action of 1 February is therefore to be seen as nothing more than a power grab, the only correction to which is a complete return to multiparty government, an end to the state of emergency, and restitution of all freedoms and fundamental rights. The presence of the extra-constitutional Maobaadi in hill and plain cannot be used to blackmail the Nepali population and the international community to support discredited authoritarianism. The democratic state is more than capable of confronting the insurgency, as long as the palace and army do not play spoilsport.
On a historical scale, the royal action was and remains problematic in terms of both principle and practicality. It is not as if Nepalis had not suffered through three decades of the Panchayat system under the present king's father and brother. It was that royalist system which maintained the autocratic continuum into modern day Nepal and whose regressive legacy a dozen years of democracy had just begun to address. Nepalis who were 12 years old in 1990 when the Panchayat was ended are today 27, and they have known no political system other than parliamentary pluralism. Citizens of all ages have found their voice, and for this reason alone the country cannot now be converted into a police state bereft of fundamental freedoms
and civil liberties. For too long have Nepalis spoken and organized freely and seen the advantages of pluralism for social and economic progress, and 2005 is not 1960, back when it was possible for King Mahendra to muzzle society through his own royal coup d'etat. Indeed, the King Gyanendra's takeover has its origins in a 1960 deep freeze that does not countenance current socio-political reality. Additionally, while the earlier coup was carried out with the help of feudocrat power-brokers, including those who betrayed democracy, this time around King Gyanendra has made no-holds-barred use of the Royal Nepal Army. Only a king out of touch with present day discourse and unwilling to listen to the clear voices of social science and common sense could have read out the proclamation of 1 February and taken the actions that followed.
Since it is clear that the royal proclamation was not a knee-jerk action but something thought of months in advance with the help of willing military commanders, there would be some method behind the madness. The short term plan, already in implementation, is to act on the fear of the Maobaadi and browbeat the political parties while exploiting the latter's weaknesses and differences. Under a particular logic, the longer term plan would be to do away with the 1990 Constitution and develop another document which redirects substantial power back to the monarchy. Thereafter, an election would be conducted where a conservative force is made to emerge in order to sabotage the secular system of parliamentary governance. As in the Panchayat years, the proposed process would look and sound progressive, with sops for historically discriminated communities, but would at its heart be reactionary. All in all, King Gyanendra would be attempting to bring back 'guided democracy' by grabbing the keys to the
kingdom that have been in the hands of the citizenry since 1990.
Given that such a dangerous agenda is fraught with uncertainties, many who wish King Gyanendra and his dynasty well are keeping their own counsel while sycophants and quislings from the early Panchayat era are emerging from the slurry to try and turn back the flow of history. With the king now chairman of the Council of Ministers, the monarchy is exposed to the turbulence of politics and administration, but it has neither resilience nor goodwill on its side. King Gyanendra has donned a new hat, but does he realize that a blunder has been committed? If there is such realization, then the political parties may yet come to the rescue of the crown on the condition of an absolute and unconditional roll back to democracy. If the palace does not backtrack, the people are in for an extended agitation.
Today, Nepal faces on the one hand a state of emergency, suspension of civil rights and an autocratic military-supported regime. On the other hand, there is the vicious insurgency. The resolution of the Maobaadi challenge through dialogue and constitutional course-correction can only be contemplated when there is first a return to democracy. Barring a total collapse of the state, such a return can be contemplated through the reinstatement of the disbanded Parliament or through an interim government put in place at the initiative of the political parties, with or without the palace in agreement.
Seven weeks after 1 February, while we wait for King Gyanendra to reconsider his drastic and ill-advised action, and for the political parties to locate and act on their collective voice, it is time to review the royal takeover as it affects 26 million people of the 40th largest country in the world.
Detention of Politicians: The continuing detention of scores of political leaders and activists is, to put it simply, offensive. The incarcerations fly in the face of Nepal's democratic experience and can never be justified by the palace in the name of fighting 'terrorism'. King Gyanendra, as chairman of the cabinet, bears direct responsibility for the confinement of political leaders and the continuing clampdown on activists around the country, as he does for all other attacks on civil liberties under the state of emergency. A royal proclamation which repeatedly swore allegiance to democratic values has been implemented through a whole series of undemocratic acts. Article 27 (3) of the 1990 Constitution, which enjoins the monarch to "preserve and protect" that supreme law, has been used instead to destroy the letter and spirit of that document.
Freedom of the Press: The harassment of the media runs deeper than the jailing of journalists. There is a concerted campaign afoot to demoralize reporters, editors, radio producers and publishers, to break their will through continuous maltreatment. Those working outside Kathmandu Valley are extremely vulnerable to pressures from the district-level military commanders. In Kathmandu and elsewhere, editors of spirited tabloids are forced to submit to frustrating appearances before chief district officers. The royal action has halted Nepal's FM radio revolution in its tracks, and the future of this unique Southasian success story is now in jeopardy. The dishonorable manner in which this coup was conducted is exemplified by the palace press secretary who told the editor of a leading daily that the army was in control and he, the editor, "could even be disappeared for a few hours" if the royal strictures were not followed. Today, newspapers and magazines are banned at whim from entry into certain districts, the FM airwaves are empty of empowering news, discussion and information programmes, and clandestine rebel radio broadcasts now fill the resulting vacuum with their vicious propaganda. Among other ills, the king's clampdown has made it impossible for the press to cover Maobaadi abuse that is continuing. Simultaneously, the media is no longer there to report on excesses by the security forces. The public lies exposed and unprotected as never before. Overall, the advances achieved by print and electronic media over a dozen years of unfettered freedom are being rapidly eroded, and the domino effect on society and economy will be significant.
The RNA: The military-backed coup conducted by King Gyanendra constitutes a barrier to the evolution of the Royal Nepal Army as a professional force. The Nepal military, commended for serving in UN peacekeeping assignments over the decades, had found it a difficult fight after it was deployed to engage the Maobaadi in 2002. Its image already tarnished since by human rights abuse and disappearances, the RNA now stands accused of being part and implement of a coup. The royal takeover has forced army officers to take de facto command as local administrators, a function for which they are ill prepared. The longer the RNA is asked to play such a role, the more entrenched will be the anti-democratic and anti-people evolution of the polity. The militarization of society will retard social and economic progress for decades on end, and the RNA risks losing whatever credibility it presently has by engaging in everyday policing,
censorship, and otherwise preventing citizens from enjoying fundamental freedoms. Over the medium and long term, the army's deployment against the political forces will negatively affect the morale of soldiers and on their ability to protect the people. The Nepali army can only evolve into a disciplined and professional fighting force if it is kept out of public affairs and brought within full control of parliament in the long term if the national economy is sustained and international support continues in both the development and military arena. However, the extended period required for a victory-through-arms will simply entrench the military and exact an unbearable price from the populace. The open society built up with such sacrifice of the people will begin to unravel in innumerable ways. The one answer to both the political crisis and the Maobaadi challenge is a return to absolute democracy. The international community, including India, the United Kingdom and the United States as the main partners in the state's fight against the Maobaadi, has been steadfast since 1 February in its call for a return to multiparty democracy. This has been welcome and the international community is to be thanked, but it is unrealistic to expect more support than this from the outside. The battle for restoration of democracy must now gather steam within Nepal. Any resolution brokered from elsewhere will necessarily be more conservative and less democratic (and perhaps more hurried) than one fought for by Nepal's citizens. For all the world community's good intentions, foreign governments will hold stability of the country more important than transformation of Nepali society through democratic process. After a 'grace period' of a few months, it is likely that the external players will settle for a balance of power that favours an evolving status quo, which would not deliver optimum democracy with sovereignty resting entirely with the people. Meanwhile, King Gyanendra's attempt to run the country as a corporate CEO is taking him back to the discredited loyalists of the palace to run his regime. Since an extended royal rule is obviously not a possibility, one can make out the contours of a royal plan to build a new political terrain where pro-palace political forces are made to emerge. Loyal royalists would be nurtured so as to support monarchical activism well into the future. This would add a dangerous and diversionary departure from the open society that must be re-established in Nepal.
Evolution Ahead: As a country which emerged from centuries of authoritarianism only in 1990 (with only a year-and-half of democracy in 1959-60), the blame placed by King Gyanendra on a dozen years of pluralism for the inability to deliver social and economic progress is unreasonable and prejudiced. A decade and a half after the People's Movement of 1990, the present should have been a time when Nepalis were fine-tuning their democracy. Instead, we seem to have returned to the drawing board. While the talk until recently was of constitutional readjustment order to deliver a more inclusive state, we are back to the task of rescuing democracy from an active monarchy. Indeed, the time has come to try and save Nepali pluralism from the palace as well as the insurgents, by means of a principled yet practical resolution.
Where do we go from here? The way is still open for King Gyanendra to work with the parties, as he could have on 4 October 2002 or 1 February 2005. The Maobaadi could still lay down their arms and join the democratic parties in above-ground politics. But the royalist and Maobaadi mindsets are not variables that one can rely on, so it is important for those who believe in open society to chart an independent course. Only the political parties of the suspended Third Parliament have the legitimacy to lead this charge, because they more than any other entity (monarch, rebel or anyone from 'civil society') represent the people by the fact of having submitted to the ballot.
Evolution of constitutional practice through parliamentary exercise and judicial oversight is the obvious path of political progress, but the shakeup of the polity has been such that there is no escaping the need to revise the 1990 Constitution while standing on the platform it has created. Such a revision can be achieved through a permutation or combination of a number of recourses, including a referendum, election-to-parliament, election-to-constituent assembly, or a roundtable conference of all concerned parties including the rebels. Constitutional reform would have to address matters which go to the heart of the current discourse, such as ensuring the RNA's allegiance to civilian government; instituting a restrictive definition of constitutional monarchy that defines a ceremonial role for the king; removing the 'Hindu' appellation from the description of the state; and transitioning to a federal system of governance based on sound economic and political principles rather than on race, ethnicity, language or faith.
While constitutional evolution is of utmost importance, however, the immediate task is to rescue democracy as we know it under the 1990 Constitution. Failure to do so can invite adventurism from the extreme left or right. The rapid descent to an authoritarian state requires the political parties to take immediate action to return the people from absolute monarchy to absolute democracy.
The present royal government with the king as chairman is illegitimate under any interpretation of the 1990 Constitution as well as in light of the general democratic principles. A resolution which would 'cleanse' the monarchy of the stain of 1 February and at the same time revive the democratic process under the 1990 Constitution would of course be the revival of the Third Parliament. Indeed, no political move could be more people-friendly than to revive the Lower House for a specified period, with preliminary understanding among the main players about the key tasks, such as formation of cabinet, talks with the Maobaadi, and the longer term constitutional issues. If King Gyanendra recognizes the blunder that was the royal proclamation, he may yet opt for a revival of Parliament as an institution - which incidentally would also be a secure dynasty-saving action.
If not a revived Parliament, political resolution would have to come in the form of an interim government under the aegis of the mainstream political parties. If King Gyanendra understood the perils of the moment, he would seek the help of the parties and encourage them to cobble together such a government. Under the reasonable assumption that he will not pick this option, the political parties must present the palace with a fait accompli in the form of a fully-formed interim government. Such a government could be an all-party entity, or also include a mix of respected independent individuals. Such a government chosen by the parties rather than by the palace has been a requirement since October 2002, and can still be a means of simultaneously reinstating democracy, addressing the insurgency, and stabilizing the polity and economy.
The establishment of an interim government by the political parties would not obviate further evolution of the polity to respond to the drastic royal move of 1 February. This would be an emergency measure to respond to the public's democratic inclinations as indicated in numerous public opinion polls, and to ensure that the supportive international reaction on behalf of the Nepali people and against royal adventurism is not wasted. Once a people's rather than king's government has been put in place, it is important for those in the saddle not to forget the pressing constitutional, political, economic and social issues that must be tackled in order to ensure that the fruits of democracy are finally delivered to the people of Nepal.
Hopefully, the crisis brought on by the rebels in the jungle and the king in the palace has brought sober appreciation of the need to reinstate and vigorously protect parliamentary democracy. At the same time, the burden is now on the political parties and individual leaders to conduct themselves in the weeks ahead in a manner that respects the people of Nepal and responds to their trust in the democratic process. The path to the immediate future should be defined by political forces backed and watch-dogged by civil society, to challenge the king and to set up an interim government. The people await their representatives to respond to this need of the hour.
Over the last nine years, the hopes of the people of Nepal have been massively compromised by the violence brought on by the Maobaadi insurgency. Now the people have the misfortune to be led in an opposite and equally unrealistic direction by a king who misreads the demands of the so-called twenty-first century. How far can the lot of the people worsen? When will relief come and of what kind? Nepalis still have it in their power to decide for themselves, and to reverse the regime change introduced on 1 February. If King Gyanendra will not loosen his grip on the state, the state will have to pried from him.
Friday, March 18, 2005
The State of Christianity in 2005
In response to many requests, here is the State of Christianity in 2005. It is based on secular and Christian sources, and probably the world's broadest survey of such information, and is published every January by David B. Barrett (Professor of Missiometrics at the World Evangelization Research Center in Richmond, and publisher of the World Christian Encyclopedia) and Todd M. Johnson from the Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, South Hamilton. Next week's Friday Fax will contain Todd Johnson's analysis of current Christian trends.
www.globalchristianity.org then do a search on Nepal.
www.globalchristianity.org then do a search on Nepal.
Monday, March 14, 2005
So Where is Bush's Campaign for Democracy?
Five opposition parties have said police have detained at least seven hundred of their leaders and cadres from across Nepal Monday while taking part in peaceful protests demanding restoration of peace and democracy.
The five political parties, Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, Nepali Congress-D, Janmorcha Nepal and Nepal Sadhabhawana Party (Ananddevi), had designated March 14 as the start of their "peaceful protest" program. As part of that plan, the leaders and activists were ordered to defy the government ban on demonstrations and rallies and court arrests.
The biggest demonstration was held in the politically sensitive, southern town of Janakpur where at least five hundred activists courted arrests defying prohibitive orders issued by the authorities. Central committee member of the CPN (UML), Ramchandra Jha, claimed that police had detained over 600 cadres affiliated to five opposition parties.
In the nearby Mahottari district, at least a dozen protesters were reportedly injured when police baton-charged them for defying orders. Half a dozen injured persons have been taken to Janakpur for treatment, according to reports. Over one dozen activists each were detained in Sarlahi and Siraha districts while half a dozen activists were arrested in nearby Saptari district.
Reports from eastern district of Jhapa said over a dozen protesters including former Nepali Congress MP, Dr Gopal Koirala, were injured when police baton-charged upon a group of protesters at the bordering town of Kakarbhitta. Police detained over 30 protesters including Dr Koirala and former lawmakers Chet Kumari Dahal and Pushpa Pokhrel.
Police briefly detained a Reuters journalist, Rupak Chaudhary, who had gone to cover pro-democracy protests from India.
In another eastern district of Udaypur, at least 40 protesters were held for defying prohibitory orders.
In the capital, Kathmandu, around two dozen activists were arrested by police including senior Nepali Congress leader and former minister, Bal Bahadur Rai. Those arrested from Ason area in the busy business district include UML members of National Assembly, Bir Bahadur Singh, and Mahesh Mani Dixit. The protesters unfurled their party flags and chanted slogans while courting arrests. In the far-western district of Doti, police arrested over a dozen activists while opposition activists took out corner rallies in neighboring Kailali district.
At least eight political cadres were arrested in mid-western district of Banke. In the conflict-hit mid-western district of Dang, police detained over two dozen activists who were taking part in a peaceful protest rally. Police also arrested Sharad Adhikary, Dang- based correspondent of Channel Nepal—a private sector television channel, who had gone to cover the event. Adhikary is also the central council member of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ).
In Narayangarh, police arrested former UML lawmaker, J. P. Bhetwal along with a couple of other political activists. Half a dozen activists were detained in western town of Butwal, according to reports.
In western district of Kaski and Tanahun, cadres affiliated to five opposition parties took out separate corner rallies. Police have detained office secretaries of some of the opposition parties in Pokhara, reports said.
Despite all this, the Bush Administration, that champion of democracy, seems unconcerned. In fact, he Asian Human Rights Center(AHRC) today slammed America for messing up Nepal's crisis by refusing to suspend military aid.
India and Britain froze military aid to the Himalayan kingdom but Washington instead plans to extend 2 million dollar in security assistance to Nepal this year.
The human rights watchdog has warned against the move saying it has given wrong signals to an already defiant King.
"The United States is part of the problem because they see the problem in Nepal as part of the war against terror. They are trying to ignore the ground realities, which prevail in Nepal. The fact that the US has not suspended military aid, basically contributes to the problem because the King perceives this as a support to his rule since February 1," AHRC Director Suhas Chakma told a news conference here.
Nepal's King Gyanendra is being criticized across the world for his decision to sack the Sher Bahadur Deuba government on February 1 and
imposing state of emergency and suspending the civil rights.
Recent US media reports have quoted top Washington officials that the US is pressing the Nepalis to investigate and punish soldiers responsible for abuses. But the AHRC maintains that the royal takeover had only reduced the accountability of the army, thereby increasing the risk of disappearances and greater abuses at the hands of the army, in the Himalayan kingdom.
The AHRC said more than a 1000 people had disappeared in the last few months as the state tries to "break the backbone" of the revolt. Nepal's army has denied the claims saying it is committed to protecting people's rights.
"I think there is tremendous amount of fear against the Nepal army, given the fact that over one thousand people have disappeared. You can be shot anywhere in Nepal. So there is fear against the Royal Nepal army," Suhas said.
The Nepali media as well is being closely monitored by security forces and are banned from reporting anything the pro-monarchy government feels will boost the morale of Maoists.
Jitman Basnet, a lawyer and editor of the Sagarmatha Times, a weekly magazine, who was arrested for being an alleged Maoist sympathizer, termed his 10-month detention as akin to hell. "Only three things I could say were toilet, water and food, any other I could not say. They did not give me permission to talk to other. For all the 10 months they covered my eyes 24 hours in a blindfold and tied my hands at the back. Not only me, with all the detainees they did so," he said.
(From Oread Daily. Sources: NewKerali, Nepalnews, Kantipur OnLine, Press Trust of India)
The five political parties, Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, Nepali Congress-D, Janmorcha Nepal and Nepal Sadhabhawana Party (Ananddevi), had designated March 14 as the start of their "peaceful protest" program. As part of that plan, the leaders and activists were ordered to defy the government ban on demonstrations and rallies and court arrests.
The biggest demonstration was held in the politically sensitive, southern town of Janakpur where at least five hundred activists courted arrests defying prohibitive orders issued by the authorities. Central committee member of the CPN (UML), Ramchandra Jha, claimed that police had detained over 600 cadres affiliated to five opposition parties.
In the nearby Mahottari district, at least a dozen protesters were reportedly injured when police baton-charged them for defying orders. Half a dozen injured persons have been taken to Janakpur for treatment, according to reports. Over one dozen activists each were detained in Sarlahi and Siraha districts while half a dozen activists were arrested in nearby Saptari district.
Reports from eastern district of Jhapa said over a dozen protesters including former Nepali Congress MP, Dr Gopal Koirala, were injured when police baton-charged upon a group of protesters at the bordering town of Kakarbhitta. Police detained over 30 protesters including Dr Koirala and former lawmakers Chet Kumari Dahal and Pushpa Pokhrel.
Police briefly detained a Reuters journalist, Rupak Chaudhary, who had gone to cover pro-democracy protests from India.
In another eastern district of Udaypur, at least 40 protesters were held for defying prohibitory orders.
In the capital, Kathmandu, around two dozen activists were arrested by police including senior Nepali Congress leader and former minister, Bal Bahadur Rai. Those arrested from Ason area in the busy business district include UML members of National Assembly, Bir Bahadur Singh, and Mahesh Mani Dixit. The protesters unfurled their party flags and chanted slogans while courting arrests. In the far-western district of Doti, police arrested over a dozen activists while opposition activists took out corner rallies in neighboring Kailali district.
At least eight political cadres were arrested in mid-western district of Banke. In the conflict-hit mid-western district of Dang, police detained over two dozen activists who were taking part in a peaceful protest rally. Police also arrested Sharad Adhikary, Dang- based correspondent of Channel Nepal—a private sector television channel, who had gone to cover the event. Adhikary is also the central council member of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ).
In Narayangarh, police arrested former UML lawmaker, J. P. Bhetwal along with a couple of other political activists. Half a dozen activists were detained in western town of Butwal, according to reports.
In western district of Kaski and Tanahun, cadres affiliated to five opposition parties took out separate corner rallies. Police have detained office secretaries of some of the opposition parties in Pokhara, reports said.
Despite all this, the Bush Administration, that champion of democracy, seems unconcerned. In fact, he Asian Human Rights Center(AHRC) today slammed America for messing up Nepal's crisis by refusing to suspend military aid.
India and Britain froze military aid to the Himalayan kingdom but Washington instead plans to extend 2 million dollar in security assistance to Nepal this year.
The human rights watchdog has warned against the move saying it has given wrong signals to an already defiant King.
"The United States is part of the problem because they see the problem in Nepal as part of the war against terror. They are trying to ignore the ground realities, which prevail in Nepal. The fact that the US has not suspended military aid, basically contributes to the problem because the King perceives this as a support to his rule since February 1," AHRC Director Suhas Chakma told a news conference here.
Nepal's King Gyanendra is being criticized across the world for his decision to sack the Sher Bahadur Deuba government on February 1 and
imposing state of emergency and suspending the civil rights.
Recent US media reports have quoted top Washington officials that the US is pressing the Nepalis to investigate and punish soldiers responsible for abuses. But the AHRC maintains that the royal takeover had only reduced the accountability of the army, thereby increasing the risk of disappearances and greater abuses at the hands of the army, in the Himalayan kingdom.
The AHRC said more than a 1000 people had disappeared in the last few months as the state tries to "break the backbone" of the revolt. Nepal's army has denied the claims saying it is committed to protecting people's rights.
"I think there is tremendous amount of fear against the Nepal army, given the fact that over one thousand people have disappeared. You can be shot anywhere in Nepal. So there is fear against the Royal Nepal army," Suhas said.
The Nepali media as well is being closely monitored by security forces and are banned from reporting anything the pro-monarchy government feels will boost the morale of Maoists.
Jitman Basnet, a lawyer and editor of the Sagarmatha Times, a weekly magazine, who was arrested for being an alleged Maoist sympathizer, termed his 10-month detention as akin to hell. "Only three things I could say were toilet, water and food, any other I could not say. They did not give me permission to talk to other. For all the 10 months they covered my eyes 24 hours in a blindfold and tied my hands at the back. Not only me, with all the detainees they did so," he said.
(From Oread Daily. Sources: NewKerali, Nepalnews, Kantipur OnLine, Press Trust of India)
Sunday, March 13, 2005
Nepal: Notice to the International Proletariat. Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has announced 11-days General strike
from Krishna Sen News Agency (Online Service) (Translation into English)
Kathmandu, March 13th/ Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has announced 11-days General strike from 12th-22nd April. Chairman of the party issuing a press Statement today has appealed the masses of the people of all levels and sects including workers, peasants, women, students, teachers, professors, doctors, lawyers and journalists to create a storm of movement in favor of full democracy and against autocracy. Please find below the full text of the press Statement.
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Central CommitteePress Statement
Today, the Nepalese society has arrived at a very sensitive crossroad in its political history. The feudal autocracy that by challenging Nepalese people’s aspiration of achieving full democracy has come to the fore through the so-called royal proclamation is being opposed everywhere. But, the feudal elements that have come up for their last battle of existence are busy in exhibiting drama of conciliation, gift, punishment and intrigue against people under the leadership of autocratic monarchy. Feudal ringleaders, who have already staged the artless drama of repeating 1960, are now playing the same old game of dividing and repressing political parties. The Nepalese people, who were enduring the dirty game of feudal palace since 55 years, will never be deluded from this. On the contrary, the great Nepalese people of the twenty-first century will advance unitedly ahead with full determination of accomplishing the necessity of democratic revolution, the overdue since 1950. It is sure that the feudal elements that by closing all the doors of peaceful and forward-looking way out have adventured to push the wheel of history back with the strength of terror of royal army sustaining with foreign aid will be thrown out into the garbage of history.
Taking seriously into consideration the political sensitivity of the country, our party has been very responsibly emphasizing on the necessity to advance ahead against the feudal autocracy by establishing a broad front of all the political parties, civil societies and intelligentsia. Taking lesson from the bitter experiences of the past, it is urgently necessary to build up, first of all, a concrete understanding among the political parties to unite the broad masses. In this context, our party would like to clarify its preparedness for the sacrifice necessary from our part through this statement. Declaring not to obstruct all political parties that are against feudal autocracy rather to help conduct political activities in any part of the country without any hindrance, our party thinks necessary to go ahead by carrying out criticism and self-criticism among the political parties and maintaining unity in a new basis; and also wants to clarify its preparedness for that. In addition to this, we would like to request humbly all the political parties in and outside of the country not to have any doubt in our party’s declared policy of Constituent Assembly and multiparty democratic republic.
It is known to all that our party had carried out countrywide wheel-jam and blockade as an immediate protest against the so-called royal proclamation. Being responsible to the people, we had suspended that program after 15 days. In that very context, challenging the feudal elements to revoke their totalitarian step, we had also clarified that we could declare a higher level of program of struggle if not complied with that. But the authoritarian elements taking it not as a way out are now adventuring to save their existence through killings, terror, Pancha-rallies and stupid propaganda. In such a situation, our party heartily appeals the masses of the people of all levels and sects including workers, peasants, women, students, teachers, professors, doctors, lawyers and journalists to create a storm of movement in favor of full democracy and against autocracy. For this, our party, along with strikes, wheel-jam, shutdown and blockade in the local and regional level, declares a program of countrywide mass mobilization and military resistance from March 14 to April 1 and a countrywide general shutdown (Nepal Bandh) from April 2 to April 22 on the occasion of the historic mass movement day in 1990. Our party heartily appeals the broad masses of the people again to make this program of struggle a success and let the absolute feudal elements, which are trying to push the country back towards medieval era, know people’s strength.
Prachanda
Chairman, Central Committee
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
Kathmandu, March 13th/ Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has announced 11-days General strike from 12th-22nd April. Chairman of the party issuing a press Statement today has appealed the masses of the people of all levels and sects including workers, peasants, women, students, teachers, professors, doctors, lawyers and journalists to create a storm of movement in favor of full democracy and against autocracy. Please find below the full text of the press Statement.
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Central CommitteePress Statement
Today, the Nepalese society has arrived at a very sensitive crossroad in its political history. The feudal autocracy that by challenging Nepalese people’s aspiration of achieving full democracy has come to the fore through the so-called royal proclamation is being opposed everywhere. But, the feudal elements that have come up for their last battle of existence are busy in exhibiting drama of conciliation, gift, punishment and intrigue against people under the leadership of autocratic monarchy. Feudal ringleaders, who have already staged the artless drama of repeating 1960, are now playing the same old game of dividing and repressing political parties. The Nepalese people, who were enduring the dirty game of feudal palace since 55 years, will never be deluded from this. On the contrary, the great Nepalese people of the twenty-first century will advance unitedly ahead with full determination of accomplishing the necessity of democratic revolution, the overdue since 1950. It is sure that the feudal elements that by closing all the doors of peaceful and forward-looking way out have adventured to push the wheel of history back with the strength of terror of royal army sustaining with foreign aid will be thrown out into the garbage of history.
Taking seriously into consideration the political sensitivity of the country, our party has been very responsibly emphasizing on the necessity to advance ahead against the feudal autocracy by establishing a broad front of all the political parties, civil societies and intelligentsia. Taking lesson from the bitter experiences of the past, it is urgently necessary to build up, first of all, a concrete understanding among the political parties to unite the broad masses. In this context, our party would like to clarify its preparedness for the sacrifice necessary from our part through this statement. Declaring not to obstruct all political parties that are against feudal autocracy rather to help conduct political activities in any part of the country without any hindrance, our party thinks necessary to go ahead by carrying out criticism and self-criticism among the political parties and maintaining unity in a new basis; and also wants to clarify its preparedness for that. In addition to this, we would like to request humbly all the political parties in and outside of the country not to have any doubt in our party’s declared policy of Constituent Assembly and multiparty democratic republic.
It is known to all that our party had carried out countrywide wheel-jam and blockade as an immediate protest against the so-called royal proclamation. Being responsible to the people, we had suspended that program after 15 days. In that very context, challenging the feudal elements to revoke their totalitarian step, we had also clarified that we could declare a higher level of program of struggle if not complied with that. But the authoritarian elements taking it not as a way out are now adventuring to save their existence through killings, terror, Pancha-rallies and stupid propaganda. In such a situation, our party heartily appeals the masses of the people of all levels and sects including workers, peasants, women, students, teachers, professors, doctors, lawyers and journalists to create a storm of movement in favor of full democracy and against autocracy. For this, our party, along with strikes, wheel-jam, shutdown and blockade in the local and regional level, declares a program of countrywide mass mobilization and military resistance from March 14 to April 1 and a countrywide general shutdown (Nepal Bandh) from April 2 to April 22 on the occasion of the historic mass movement day in 1990. Our party heartily appeals the broad masses of the people again to make this program of struggle a success and let the absolute feudal elements, which are trying to push the country back towards medieval era, know people’s strength.
Prachanda
Chairman, Central Committee
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
Saturday, March 12, 2005
Chinese foreign minister to visit Nepal
Kathmandu, March 12 - Chinese Foreign Affairs Minister Li Zaoxing will arrive here on an official visit to Nepal in the first week of April, media reports said.
The Chinese minister will be the first representative of a foreign government to visit the country officially since Nepal's King Gyanendra's royal coup of Feb 1.
Li will meet Nepalese officials and discuss ways to strengthen bilateral relations, the Kathmandu Post reported Saturday.
While the royal coup was condemned by most of the international community, China, along with Pakistan and Russia, have called it an internal matter of Nepal.
The Chinese state media has also stepped up its coverage of Nepal, highlighting what it considers the positive aspects of the new regime.
China says it is "vigorously" pursuing its plan to develop its western regions, which would have a "conducive impact" on Nepal.
This year, China and Nepal celebrate the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between the two countries. Nepalese Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey heads an official committee set up for a celebration programme.
In January, the Nepalese government closed down the office of the representative of the Dalai Lama in Kathmandu in what is widely regarded as due to pressure from Beijing.
Beijing says Tibet is an integral part of China and there are no Tibetan refugees, only illegal immigrants who should be punished according to the law of the land.
Nepal, which has earlier handed over groups of Tibetans fleeing their homeland to the Chinese authorities, doesn't recognise Tibet as an independent country.
During Buddhist conferences, Kathmandu refrains from issuing invitations to the Dalai Lama.
Last year, Nepal's heir to the throne Prince Paras visited China along with his wife, Princess Himani.
The Chinese minister will be the first representative of a foreign government to visit the country officially since Nepal's King Gyanendra's royal coup of Feb 1.
Li will meet Nepalese officials and discuss ways to strengthen bilateral relations, the Kathmandu Post reported Saturday.
While the royal coup was condemned by most of the international community, China, along with Pakistan and Russia, have called it an internal matter of Nepal.
The Chinese state media has also stepped up its coverage of Nepal, highlighting what it considers the positive aspects of the new regime.
China says it is "vigorously" pursuing its plan to develop its western regions, which would have a "conducive impact" on Nepal.
This year, China and Nepal celebrate the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between the two countries. Nepalese Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey heads an official committee set up for a celebration programme.
In January, the Nepalese government closed down the office of the representative of the Dalai Lama in Kathmandu in what is widely regarded as due to pressure from Beijing.
Beijing says Tibet is an integral part of China and there are no Tibetan refugees, only illegal immigrants who should be punished according to the law of the land.
Nepal, which has earlier handed over groups of Tibetans fleeing their homeland to the Chinese authorities, doesn't recognise Tibet as an independent country.
During Buddhist conferences, Kathmandu refrains from issuing invitations to the Dalai Lama.
Last year, Nepal's heir to the throne Prince Paras visited China along with his wife, Princess Himani.
Day of Prayer for Nepal
“If my people, who are called by my name, will humble themselves and pray and seek my face and turn from their wicked ways, then will I hear from heaven and will forgive their sin and will heal their land. Now my eyes will be open and my ears attentive to the prayers offered in this place.” (2 Chronicles 7:14-15)
Saturday & Sunday
16th & 17th April 2005
You are encouraged to pray with fasting, any time/hours
For What?
For peace, reconciliation and healing of the nation. For God’s will to be done in Nepal.
Where?
Church, Home, Office, Car, Plane, wherever you are!
Who should pray?
You, Your Family, Friends, Church, Organisation, School, College and Prayer Groups, etc.
You are encouraged to take the initiative to organise prayer meetings in your area.
Please inform and encourage others by distributing or forwarding copies of this page, by e-mails or telling to friends, relatives, church members, prayer groups, neighbours, colleagues or anyone you think would pray for Nepal. You are encouraged to initiate a ‘Day Of Prayer For Nepal’ gathering and fellowship in your local area or church.
LAUNCHED BY NEPALI CHURCHES
With Coordination of UNITED VISION FOR NEPAL (UVN) & PRAYER FOR NEPAL GLOBAL NETWORK (PFN-GN)
Website: www.prayerfornepal.org, e-mail: prayerfornepal@yahoo.co.uk
Introduction: It has been a privilege to launch the Global Day of Prayer for Nepal every year. It not only helps us to connect with our brothers and sisters within and outside Nepal but also contributes in developing more prayer and spiritual unity among us. As we pray, God has been faithful in answering our prayers in many different ways. Nepal is now in need of more prayers. We continue to pray and seek God’s powerful intervention over our nation. Therefore, this year, we are launching a two-day “GLOBAL DAY OF PRAYER FOR NEPAL” on Saturday, 16th April 2005 and Sunday, 17th April 2005. Our united solidarity in prayers and intercessions would enable us to claim God’s promise and intervention in the nation for divine healing, peace, justice and reconciliation. Therefore, we call upon our Christian brothers and sisters around the globe to join us in prayer to our Heavenly Father.
Situation Update: Nepal is still struggling and there seems to be no clear way out and hope for permanent political solution and peace yet. Every now and then the situation seems to change in the country. No one seems able to predict what will happen next. Normal lives are very much disrupted, if not, made more fragmented and fragile due to the frequent strikes and transport blockades, inconsistent communication access. Nepal’s political crisis of power struggle is still going through a game of musical chairs. Everyone in the game gives the appearance of doing good to others without losing their own chairs. However, in reality, no one seems to be able to act honestly and appropriately. There has been a recent change in the country that has placed the King in control of the full power of the nation since 1st February 2005. Whatever the consequences, however, the problem is still alive and the game is not over. Nevertheless, the degree of concern has become more complex and moved beyond to fundamental rights, peace, security and justice.
The Country: The beautiful Himalayan Kingdom of Nepal, one of the South Asian countries, is the only officially declared Hindu Kingdom in the World. The country is sandwiched between India and China covering 140,800 sq km land space with the population of 26,469,569 (2003 est.). There are about 85.5% Hindus, 5.3 % Buddhists and 5.2% other religions including Islam and Christianity. It is estimated there are now 2% Christians in the country. The peaceful nation of the peace loving people has been facing an internal war between the Maoist rebels and the Government of Nepal that has caused over 11,000 people deaths. More than 800 people have disappeared and 100,000 to 200,000 have been internally displaced since 1996.
The Nepali Church: In over 50 years of Nepali Church history, despite the persecutions and many other legal and social barriers, it is estimated that the churches have grown from zero to over 3,000 and there are now over half a million Christians in the country. More than 10 million Nepalis are now scattered around the world. The majority of them are in India and Middle East countries. Nepali Churches are also growing outside Nepal among Diaspora Nepalis. There are many things the young and growing Nepali Churches can and should do together to address physical and spiritual needs of the country. Now, it is the time that we all should pray together for healing of our nation. [ed. note: There is estimated to be over 600,000 believers in Nepal today!]
Prayer Points: For the King and his Council members. For blessing, peace, reconciliation and healing of the nation. For meeting people’s spiritual and physical needs. For the Nepali churches’ growth and protection. For God’s will to be done in the country. For those who are bereaved and victim of the conflicts. For thousands of those internally displaced. For expatriates and their families serving in the country. For the political parties and the leaders including Maoists and others for their wisdom and knowledge to lead the nation wisely. For Diaspora Nepalis around the world.
Saturday & Sunday
16th & 17th April 2005
You are encouraged to pray with fasting, any time/hours
For What?
For peace, reconciliation and healing of the nation. For God’s will to be done in Nepal.
Where?
Church, Home, Office, Car, Plane, wherever you are!
Who should pray?
You, Your Family, Friends, Church, Organisation, School, College and Prayer Groups, etc.
You are encouraged to take the initiative to organise prayer meetings in your area.
Please inform and encourage others by distributing or forwarding copies of this page, by e-mails or telling to friends, relatives, church members, prayer groups, neighbours, colleagues or anyone you think would pray for Nepal. You are encouraged to initiate a ‘Day Of Prayer For Nepal’ gathering and fellowship in your local area or church.
LAUNCHED BY NEPALI CHURCHES
With Coordination of UNITED VISION FOR NEPAL (UVN) & PRAYER FOR NEPAL GLOBAL NETWORK (PFN-GN)
Website: www.prayerfornepal.org, e-mail: prayerfornepal@yahoo.co.uk
Introduction: It has been a privilege to launch the Global Day of Prayer for Nepal every year. It not only helps us to connect with our brothers and sisters within and outside Nepal but also contributes in developing more prayer and spiritual unity among us. As we pray, God has been faithful in answering our prayers in many different ways. Nepal is now in need of more prayers. We continue to pray and seek God’s powerful intervention over our nation. Therefore, this year, we are launching a two-day “GLOBAL DAY OF PRAYER FOR NEPAL” on Saturday, 16th April 2005 and Sunday, 17th April 2005. Our united solidarity in prayers and intercessions would enable us to claim God’s promise and intervention in the nation for divine healing, peace, justice and reconciliation. Therefore, we call upon our Christian brothers and sisters around the globe to join us in prayer to our Heavenly Father.
Situation Update: Nepal is still struggling and there seems to be no clear way out and hope for permanent political solution and peace yet. Every now and then the situation seems to change in the country. No one seems able to predict what will happen next. Normal lives are very much disrupted, if not, made more fragmented and fragile due to the frequent strikes and transport blockades, inconsistent communication access. Nepal’s political crisis of power struggle is still going through a game of musical chairs. Everyone in the game gives the appearance of doing good to others without losing their own chairs. However, in reality, no one seems to be able to act honestly and appropriately. There has been a recent change in the country that has placed the King in control of the full power of the nation since 1st February 2005. Whatever the consequences, however, the problem is still alive and the game is not over. Nevertheless, the degree of concern has become more complex and moved beyond to fundamental rights, peace, security and justice.
The Country: The beautiful Himalayan Kingdom of Nepal, one of the South Asian countries, is the only officially declared Hindu Kingdom in the World. The country is sandwiched between India and China covering 140,800 sq km land space with the population of 26,469,569 (2003 est.). There are about 85.5% Hindus, 5.3 % Buddhists and 5.2% other religions including Islam and Christianity. It is estimated there are now 2% Christians in the country. The peaceful nation of the peace loving people has been facing an internal war between the Maoist rebels and the Government of Nepal that has caused over 11,000 people deaths. More than 800 people have disappeared and 100,000 to 200,000 have been internally displaced since 1996.
The Nepali Church: In over 50 years of Nepali Church history, despite the persecutions and many other legal and social barriers, it is estimated that the churches have grown from zero to over 3,000 and there are now over half a million Christians in the country. More than 10 million Nepalis are now scattered around the world. The majority of them are in India and Middle East countries. Nepali Churches are also growing outside Nepal among Diaspora Nepalis. There are many things the young and growing Nepali Churches can and should do together to address physical and spiritual needs of the country. Now, it is the time that we all should pray together for healing of our nation. [ed. note: There is estimated to be over 600,000 believers in Nepal today!]
Prayer Points: For the King and his Council members. For blessing, peace, reconciliation and healing of the nation. For meeting people’s spiritual and physical needs. For the Nepali churches’ growth and protection. For God’s will to be done in the country. For those who are bereaved and victim of the conflicts. For thousands of those internally displaced. For expatriates and their families serving in the country. For the political parties and the leaders including Maoists and others for their wisdom and knowledge to lead the nation wisely. For Diaspora Nepalis around the world.
Friday, March 11, 2005
US Lobbying Efforts PRESS RELEASE
WASHINGTON D.C., March 11, 2005 A seven-member delegation led by Mr.
Suman Timsina visited the Capitol Hill to brief the Senators and Congressmen on the current situation in Nepal and to discuss strategies and ways to lead Nepal out of the crisis. The team included members of Nepali diaspora in the North America and were representating various Nepali-American organisations based in the United States. Other team members were Dr. Shyam Karki, Prof. Shiva Gautam, Ms Mary Carroll, Ms. Shakya amd Mr. Puru Subedi.
The team met officials from the offices of seven Senators and a Congressman: Senator Richard Lugar (Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee-IN), Senator Chuck Hagel (NE), Senator John Sununu (NH), Senator Joseph Biden (DE), Senator Lincoln Chaffee (RI), Senator Rick Santorum (PA), Senator Patrick Leahy (VT) and Representative Jim Walsh (NY).
The team highlighted following in its briefing:
1. The royal takeover does not help fight the Maoists but comes as a distraction. The team also briefed the deteriorating conditions of human rights and civil liberties in Nepal. The representatives displayed deep interest and appreciated more detailed information provided by the team based on its person to person contact with friends, family members and prominent civic society members. They commented it as very informative and enlightening in the context of the strict media censorship imposed currently in Nepal.
2. The team highlighted that the Maoist problem can be resolved only at the political level and military operations should be used in conjunction with political strategies to reach a final solution.
3. The team also asked to coordinate US efforts with India, UK and other nations to put substantial pressure on the King, political parties and Maoists to follow a democratic political process to resolve this issue.
The team made a strong argument of possible regional instability in absence of strong pressure on all three parties. They also made the point that if Maoists problem is not solved politically and a democratic political process is not restored, Nepal may turn into a 'safe heaven'
for terrorists
4. The team also informed of its strong condemnation of violation of human rights, extrajudicial disappearances both by the RNA and the Maoists and highly appreciated the strong condemnation of such acts by the US government and by members of the Congress.
5. The team made a strong recommendation for a special envoy to be appointed to coordinate US Nepal policy with other interested parties (India, China, Great Britain and the European countries) and also a total suspension of military aid until independent human rights monitoring is allowed and a political process is initiated to reinstate democracy. The Senate and the House informed the delegation of some of the measures already initiated by the US government and others in the planning stages.
A number of Senators have sent joint statements to the Department of State. A team of Representatives has already initiated a joint protest letter to King Gyanendra which has been endorsed by eleven Congressmen to date. The US Senators and Congressmen agreed that there is no military solution to the Maoist insurgency in Nepal and that the royal takeover and suspension of civil liberties and human rights hurt peace prospects more than helping it.
The delegation noted these actions and will continue to work closely with the US Senators and Congressmens offices to further the cause of Nepal, including suspension of the US military aid to Nepal, an initiation of a political process to solve the Maoists problem, and protection of human rights, civil liberties and democracy.
Suman Timsina visited the Capitol Hill to brief the Senators and Congressmen on the current situation in Nepal and to discuss strategies and ways to lead Nepal out of the crisis. The team included members of Nepali diaspora in the North America and were representating various Nepali-American organisations based in the United States. Other team members were Dr. Shyam Karki, Prof. Shiva Gautam, Ms Mary Carroll, Ms. Shakya amd Mr. Puru Subedi.
The team met officials from the offices of seven Senators and a Congressman: Senator Richard Lugar (Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee-IN), Senator Chuck Hagel (NE), Senator John Sununu (NH), Senator Joseph Biden (DE), Senator Lincoln Chaffee (RI), Senator Rick Santorum (PA), Senator Patrick Leahy (VT) and Representative Jim Walsh (NY).
The team highlighted following in its briefing:
1. The royal takeover does not help fight the Maoists but comes as a distraction. The team also briefed the deteriorating conditions of human rights and civil liberties in Nepal. The representatives displayed deep interest and appreciated more detailed information provided by the team based on its person to person contact with friends, family members and prominent civic society members. They commented it as very informative and enlightening in the context of the strict media censorship imposed currently in Nepal.
2. The team highlighted that the Maoist problem can be resolved only at the political level and military operations should be used in conjunction with political strategies to reach a final solution.
3. The team also asked to coordinate US efforts with India, UK and other nations to put substantial pressure on the King, political parties and Maoists to follow a democratic political process to resolve this issue.
The team made a strong argument of possible regional instability in absence of strong pressure on all three parties. They also made the point that if Maoists problem is not solved politically and a democratic political process is not restored, Nepal may turn into a 'safe heaven'
for terrorists
4. The team also informed of its strong condemnation of violation of human rights, extrajudicial disappearances both by the RNA and the Maoists and highly appreciated the strong condemnation of such acts by the US government and by members of the Congress.
5. The team made a strong recommendation for a special envoy to be appointed to coordinate US Nepal policy with other interested parties (India, China, Great Britain and the European countries) and also a total suspension of military aid until independent human rights monitoring is allowed and a political process is initiated to reinstate democracy. The Senate and the House informed the delegation of some of the measures already initiated by the US government and others in the planning stages.
A number of Senators have sent joint statements to the Department of State. A team of Representatives has already initiated a joint protest letter to King Gyanendra which has been endorsed by eleven Congressmen to date. The US Senators and Congressmen agreed that there is no military solution to the Maoist insurgency in Nepal and that the royal takeover and suspension of civil liberties and human rights hurt peace prospects more than helping it.
The delegation noted these actions and will continue to work closely with the US Senators and Congressmens offices to further the cause of Nepal, including suspension of the US military aid to Nepal, an initiation of a political process to solve the Maoists problem, and protection of human rights, civil liberties and democracy.
Get Back On The Freeway
The king left Nepal's people no recourse. Budge the door to democracy open.
By KANAK MANI DIXIT
On February 1, King Gyanendra reached into a deep freeze that had not been opened since King Mahendra ousted an elected government in 1959 with his own royal military coup d'etat. While he has not imposed a ban on political parties as his father did, Gyanendra's arguments for takeover were essentially similar: the parties had messed up badly and it was up to a monarch dedicated to the people to save the nation.
In his half-hour televised address, Gyanendra repeated his allegiance to 'multi-party democracy' 11 times. Even as he talked, however, the leadership of the mainstream political parties were being rounded up and herded into detention, where they remain today.
The Maoists dragged the army out of the barracks, the king's coup entrenched it in Nepal's affairs.
King Gyanendra lambasted the dozen years of what he asserted was democratic misrule, but was silent on the accelerated downturn in human security and the remarkable economic decline that has occurred since October 2002. This was a period when the royal palace ruled through
appointed prime ministers.
The king is now the self-appointed chairman of the Council of Ministers, a cabinet made up of what The Economist described aptly as "cronies, chancers and nobodies". To assist him, Gyanendra dusted off two venerable septuagenarians who were his father's choice for similar positions four decades ago. The senior among the two vice-chairmen is a Jehovah's Witness who has taken the name of one of the apostles. Like Peter, he had been abroad as an evangelical missionary in Sri Lanka and India for a quarter century until he received the call last month.
Just as the middle class of India was mollified because the trains ran on schedule for a time after June 1975, Kathmandu's urban classes are happy that the roads are free of rallies and protests. More than half of the security forces has been deployed to protect the Kathmandu valley, but the security in the hill and Terai districts where the vast majority live is at an all-time low. The Nepali people have been deprived of representation ever since Parliament was disbanded in 2002, now they are completely without recourse.
It was the Maoists who dragged the Royal Nepal Army out of the barracks, but the king's action has entrenched the military in Nepali affairs to the extent that political evolution is in jeopardy. A ceremonial army that was trying hard to professionalise even as it fought a brutal insurgency has been compromised by its being used as the tool for a coup d'etat. A new dynamic has been introduced into the matrix of national politics, which it could have done without.
It has become common wisdom to state that Gyanendra's actions, first to sideline the political parties and now to wield direct power as an absolute monarch, have their origins in the deep antipathy he harbours for the said parties and their many incapacities. But, after February 1, this has begun to look opportunistic: an excuse for direct rule.
Through his takeover, the king has put at great risk the 250-year-old institution of monarchy that makes Nepal the oldest nation-state in South Asia. On the day that he acted, wellwishers of the institution had hoped that the palace had an intricate plan of action for peace. Perhaps a secret deal with the Maobaadi, or the military finally going on the offensive. Five weeks later, these people continue to wait.
It's difficult to know the mind of a monarch. The king might perceive himself a lone hero out to champion the grieving populace, someone willing to swallow the bitter pill of mass criticism in order to bring order to the land. But the royal palace has been taken aback by the widespread international condemnation, and by the calls from New Delhi, London and Washington for an immediate return to multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy.
Thus far, the royal government has responded to the international reaction with bluster and bravado, and there is no move towards restitution of civil liberties. For the political forces, it's still not appropriate to rely on international assistance for restoration of democracy, as anything brokered from the outside will not deliver the optimum. The push and energy must now come from within, and it is up to the people of Nepal to agitate for a return to full democracy.
Beyond the release of political detainees and restoration of all civil rights, return to democracy means the emplacement of an interim government selected by the political parties, whatever form it may take.
This is the only mechanism that can lead the country in the direction of a satisfactory resolution of the Maoist problem as well as towards constitutional remedies to make the state more responsive and inclusive than what has prevailed since 1990. That was when the panchayat autocracy of 30 years was put to sleep, and whose ghost has been revived now in the minds of many.
For three years since the half-takeover of 2002, the call has been for the king to make common cause with the constitutional forces. Even after the royal takeover, the path to resolution remains unchanged. It may sound ironic at this late date and given the state of siege, but Nepal could still evolve as a fine laboratory for democratic innovations in South Asia. And King Gyanendra can still be part of this success, but for that he will have to roll back the action of February 1 in its totality.
He must get over his distaste for the pluralistic political process, and make an approach to the political parties. If not, he may be presented with a fait accompli.
(From Outlook Magazine http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20050321&fname=Column+Kanak+%28F%29&sid=1
The author is a Kathmandu-based editor, publisher. He was detained briefly by the government last week.)
By KANAK MANI DIXIT
On February 1, King Gyanendra reached into a deep freeze that had not been opened since King Mahendra ousted an elected government in 1959 with his own royal military coup d'etat. While he has not imposed a ban on political parties as his father did, Gyanendra's arguments for takeover were essentially similar: the parties had messed up badly and it was up to a monarch dedicated to the people to save the nation.
In his half-hour televised address, Gyanendra repeated his allegiance to 'multi-party democracy' 11 times. Even as he talked, however, the leadership of the mainstream political parties were being rounded up and herded into detention, where they remain today.
The Maoists dragged the army out of the barracks, the king's coup entrenched it in Nepal's affairs.
King Gyanendra lambasted the dozen years of what he asserted was democratic misrule, but was silent on the accelerated downturn in human security and the remarkable economic decline that has occurred since October 2002. This was a period when the royal palace ruled through
appointed prime ministers.
The king is now the self-appointed chairman of the Council of Ministers, a cabinet made up of what The Economist described aptly as "cronies, chancers and nobodies". To assist him, Gyanendra dusted off two venerable septuagenarians who were his father's choice for similar positions four decades ago. The senior among the two vice-chairmen is a Jehovah's Witness who has taken the name of one of the apostles. Like Peter, he had been abroad as an evangelical missionary in Sri Lanka and India for a quarter century until he received the call last month.
Just as the middle class of India was mollified because the trains ran on schedule for a time after June 1975, Kathmandu's urban classes are happy that the roads are free of rallies and protests. More than half of the security forces has been deployed to protect the Kathmandu valley, but the security in the hill and Terai districts where the vast majority live is at an all-time low. The Nepali people have been deprived of representation ever since Parliament was disbanded in 2002, now they are completely without recourse.
It was the Maoists who dragged the Royal Nepal Army out of the barracks, but the king's action has entrenched the military in Nepali affairs to the extent that political evolution is in jeopardy. A ceremonial army that was trying hard to professionalise even as it fought a brutal insurgency has been compromised by its being used as the tool for a coup d'etat. A new dynamic has been introduced into the matrix of national politics, which it could have done without.
It has become common wisdom to state that Gyanendra's actions, first to sideline the political parties and now to wield direct power as an absolute monarch, have their origins in the deep antipathy he harbours for the said parties and their many incapacities. But, after February 1, this has begun to look opportunistic: an excuse for direct rule.
Through his takeover, the king has put at great risk the 250-year-old institution of monarchy that makes Nepal the oldest nation-state in South Asia. On the day that he acted, wellwishers of the institution had hoped that the palace had an intricate plan of action for peace. Perhaps a secret deal with the Maobaadi, or the military finally going on the offensive. Five weeks later, these people continue to wait.
It's difficult to know the mind of a monarch. The king might perceive himself a lone hero out to champion the grieving populace, someone willing to swallow the bitter pill of mass criticism in order to bring order to the land. But the royal palace has been taken aback by the widespread international condemnation, and by the calls from New Delhi, London and Washington for an immediate return to multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy.
Thus far, the royal government has responded to the international reaction with bluster and bravado, and there is no move towards restitution of civil liberties. For the political forces, it's still not appropriate to rely on international assistance for restoration of democracy, as anything brokered from the outside will not deliver the optimum. The push and energy must now come from within, and it is up to the people of Nepal to agitate for a return to full democracy.
Beyond the release of political detainees and restoration of all civil rights, return to democracy means the emplacement of an interim government selected by the political parties, whatever form it may take.
This is the only mechanism that can lead the country in the direction of a satisfactory resolution of the Maoist problem as well as towards constitutional remedies to make the state more responsive and inclusive than what has prevailed since 1990. That was when the panchayat autocracy of 30 years was put to sleep, and whose ghost has been revived now in the minds of many.
For three years since the half-takeover of 2002, the call has been for the king to make common cause with the constitutional forces. Even after the royal takeover, the path to resolution remains unchanged. It may sound ironic at this late date and given the state of siege, but Nepal could still evolve as a fine laboratory for democratic innovations in South Asia. And King Gyanendra can still be part of this success, but for that he will have to roll back the action of February 1 in its totality.
He must get over his distaste for the pluralistic political process, and make an approach to the political parties. If not, he may be presented with a fait accompli.
(From Outlook Magazine http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20050321&fname=Column+Kanak+%28F%29&sid=1
The author is a Kathmandu-based editor, publisher. He was detained briefly by the government last week.)
Thursday, March 10, 2005
Nepal Letter to Rice
Dear Colleagues and Friends,
As you may know, the situation here in Nepal is grave. It is absolutely essential that the international community come together to call for the
restoration of fundamental human rights and civil liberties. Please to take a few minutes to send a letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who is about to depart on her first tour of the South Asian region on March 14th. We must use this opportunity to ask Rice to come out with a strong position on Nepal while in South Asia. You are welcome to use my letter below, or modify it to suit your own position. Please send your letter to the Secretary of State via the web by going to: <http://dosref.lib.uic.edu/ask_form_cat/ask_form_secretary.html> or to her postal address below. Please send your letter AS SOON AS POSSIBLE so that we can make an impact before and during her Asia tour from March 14-21. Please circulate this message to as many US citizens as possible.
Thank you very much,
Sara Shneiderman
on behalf of International Nepal Solidarity Network <www.insn.org>
***
Honorable Dr. Condoleezza Rice
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C St. NW
Washington, DC 20520
Dear Secretary Rice,
I am writing to draw your attention to the grave situation in Nepal. In ine with the Bush administration's stated intention to spread freedom and democracy across the world, I request that you call for an immediate and unconditional return to democracy in Nepal, and make this a major issue on your upcoming South Asia tour.
Over 530 people have been detained in Nepal since February 1, including journalists, human rights defenders, political activists, students, and other civilians. Journalists are unable to report freely on the state of affairs, as they have been ordered to publish only official bulletins released by the government and security forces. Members of the National Human Rights Commission, as well as many academics and activists, have been barred from traveling outside of the Kathmandu Valley, and therefore prevented from doing their jobs effectively. Over 200 people have died in conflict between the Maoists and the security forces since February 1, and human rights abuses by both sides are on the rise, such as the mob violence perpetrated by the security forces in Kapilvastu District and
the ensuing Maoist retaliation.
King Gynanedra has asked the world for 100 days to demonstrate his ability to bring peace and democracy back to the country. 40 days are now gone, and the King has little to show for that time but a military crackdown on fundamental freedoms. The international community must call Gyanendra to task and insist that basic human rights are restored immediately. I ask you, as the Secretary of State of the United States, to act as a beacon of freedom to show the Nepali people that the rest of the world is concerned about their situation. Please use your South Asia tour to raise these issues in your meetings in Delhi and elsewhere. We
must communicate firmly to King Gyanendra that authoritarian rule is not a solution to Nepal's ills. Instead he must restore civil liberties, guarantee human rights, establish a multi-party interim government with the acquiescence of all major political parties, and begin the process of working towards a negotiated settlement of the current civil conflict.
Until these conditions are met, the US should follow India's example and reconsider future military aid to Nepal. Under Gyanendra's heavy-handed rule, our US tax dollars are currently being spent to mobilize the Royal Nepal Army against the very people who support democracy in Nepal—human rights activists, political activists, and journalists—instead of against the insurgents for whom it is intended. How does this represent our policy to guarantee freedom and democracy in the rest of the world? As a concerned US citizen, I call upon the US government and our allies to take a strong position towards King Gyanendra by suspending military aid until the fundamental conditions outlined above are met.
Please refer to the following weblinks for further information and recommendations on the Nepal situation:
· AlertNet Top 10 Forgotten Emergencies: <http://www.alertnet.org/top10crises.htm>
· International Crisis Group: <http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3291&l=1>
Sincerely,
Sara Shneiderman
Department of Anthropology
265 McGraw Hall
Cornell University
Ithaca, NY 14853
USA
ss364@cornell.edu
www.people.cornell.edu/pages/ss364/
As you may know, the situation here in Nepal is grave. It is absolutely essential that the international community come together to call for the
restoration of fundamental human rights and civil liberties. Please to take a few minutes to send a letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who is about to depart on her first tour of the South Asian region on March 14th. We must use this opportunity to ask Rice to come out with a strong position on Nepal while in South Asia. You are welcome to use my letter below, or modify it to suit your own position. Please send your letter to the Secretary of State via the web by going to: <http://dosref.lib.uic.edu/ask_form_cat/ask_form_secretary.html> or to her postal address below. Please send your letter AS SOON AS POSSIBLE so that we can make an impact before and during her Asia tour from March 14-21. Please circulate this message to as many US citizens as possible.
Thank you very much,
Sara Shneiderman
on behalf of International Nepal Solidarity Network <www.insn.org>
***
Honorable Dr. Condoleezza Rice
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C St. NW
Washington, DC 20520
Dear Secretary Rice,
I am writing to draw your attention to the grave situation in Nepal. In ine with the Bush administration's stated intention to spread freedom and democracy across the world, I request that you call for an immediate and unconditional return to democracy in Nepal, and make this a major issue on your upcoming South Asia tour.
Over 530 people have been detained in Nepal since February 1, including journalists, human rights defenders, political activists, students, and other civilians. Journalists are unable to report freely on the state of affairs, as they have been ordered to publish only official bulletins released by the government and security forces. Members of the National Human Rights Commission, as well as many academics and activists, have been barred from traveling outside of the Kathmandu Valley, and therefore prevented from doing their jobs effectively. Over 200 people have died in conflict between the Maoists and the security forces since February 1, and human rights abuses by both sides are on the rise, such as the mob violence perpetrated by the security forces in Kapilvastu District and
the ensuing Maoist retaliation.
King Gynanedra has asked the world for 100 days to demonstrate his ability to bring peace and democracy back to the country. 40 days are now gone, and the King has little to show for that time but a military crackdown on fundamental freedoms. The international community must call Gyanendra to task and insist that basic human rights are restored immediately. I ask you, as the Secretary of State of the United States, to act as a beacon of freedom to show the Nepali people that the rest of the world is concerned about their situation. Please use your South Asia tour to raise these issues in your meetings in Delhi and elsewhere. We
must communicate firmly to King Gyanendra that authoritarian rule is not a solution to Nepal's ills. Instead he must restore civil liberties, guarantee human rights, establish a multi-party interim government with the acquiescence of all major political parties, and begin the process of working towards a negotiated settlement of the current civil conflict.
Until these conditions are met, the US should follow India's example and reconsider future military aid to Nepal. Under Gyanendra's heavy-handed rule, our US tax dollars are currently being spent to mobilize the Royal Nepal Army against the very people who support democracy in Nepal—human rights activists, political activists, and journalists—instead of against the insurgents for whom it is intended. How does this represent our policy to guarantee freedom and democracy in the rest of the world? As a concerned US citizen, I call upon the US government and our allies to take a strong position towards King Gyanendra by suspending military aid until the fundamental conditions outlined above are met.
Please refer to the following weblinks for further information and recommendations on the Nepal situation:
· AlertNet Top 10 Forgotten Emergencies: <http://www.alertnet.org/top10crises.htm>
· International Crisis Group: <http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3291&l=1>
Sincerely,
Sara Shneiderman
Department of Anthropology
265 McGraw Hall
Cornell University
Ithaca, NY 14853
USA
ss364@cornell.edu
www.people.cornell.edu/pages/ss364/
Forgotten emergency - EXPERTS TALK: Crisis in Nepal
FROM: Reuters AlertNet
More than 11,000 people have been killed in conflict between Maoist rebels and the constitutional monarchy of Nepal since 1996. I n February 2005, King Gyanendra sacked the government and took total control of the country, raising the possibility that disaffected political leaders would ally themselves with the rebels to overthrow the monarchy and throw Nepal into chaos.
In a poll of "forgotten" emergencies released by AlertNet in March 2005, aid experts chose Nepal as the world's ninth-worst neglected crisis. Here they explain why.
The world's obsession with Iraq has pushed to the margins many other scenes of mass violence. One good example is Nepal, home of the deadliest conflict in Asia, with some 10,000 killed over the past few years. Before the coup on February 1, 2005, how often did television crews bother to cover the expanding Maoist insurgency there?
How many articles did the Western press carry about the widespread human rights abuses and disappearances at the hands of the Royal Nepalese Army?
Nepal has simply been off the radar screen of the world media, and even now, the coup story itself seems to have appeared only as a rapidly fading blip. Gareth Evans President, International Crisis Group, Belgium 11,000 dead in nine years. Both government and Maoist forces accused of barbarous atrocities. Like Aceh, under-reported and remote and with so much
else going on in the world, feels a bit off the map. But as we've seen with Sudan, conflicts like this fester when the eyes of the world are turned the other way and the news agenda skewed by what's going on in Iraq. Jonathan Miller Foreign affairs correspondent, Channel 4 News, UK
Complex emergency: The eight-year conflict has had a big impact on economic and social activities throughout the whole country and displaced large numbers of people, destroying livelihoods. Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world both in economic terms as well as social parameters.
More than 40 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, while half of all children under the age of five are underweight. Complicating the situation is that fact that Nepal is a highly disaster-prone country, with frequent floods and the very real possibility of a major earthquake striking.
by Ewa Eriksson Desk, officer for South Asia International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
More than 11,000 people have been killed in conflict between Maoist rebels and the constitutional monarchy of Nepal since 1996. I n February 2005, King Gyanendra sacked the government and took total control of the country, raising the possibility that disaffected political leaders would ally themselves with the rebels to overthrow the monarchy and throw Nepal into chaos.
In a poll of "forgotten" emergencies released by AlertNet in March 2005, aid experts chose Nepal as the world's ninth-worst neglected crisis. Here they explain why.
The world's obsession with Iraq has pushed to the margins many other scenes of mass violence. One good example is Nepal, home of the deadliest conflict in Asia, with some 10,000 killed over the past few years. Before the coup on February 1, 2005, how often did television crews bother to cover the expanding Maoist insurgency there?
How many articles did the Western press carry about the widespread human rights abuses and disappearances at the hands of the Royal Nepalese Army?
Nepal has simply been off the radar screen of the world media, and even now, the coup story itself seems to have appeared only as a rapidly fading blip. Gareth Evans President, International Crisis Group, Belgium 11,000 dead in nine years. Both government and Maoist forces accused of barbarous atrocities. Like Aceh, under-reported and remote and with so much
else going on in the world, feels a bit off the map. But as we've seen with Sudan, conflicts like this fester when the eyes of the world are turned the other way and the news agenda skewed by what's going on in Iraq. Jonathan Miller Foreign affairs correspondent, Channel 4 News, UK
Complex emergency: The eight-year conflict has had a big impact on economic and social activities throughout the whole country and displaced large numbers of people, destroying livelihoods. Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world both in economic terms as well as social parameters.
More than 40 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, while half of all children under the age of five are underweight. Complicating the situation is that fact that Nepal is a highly disaster-prone country, with frequent floods and the very real possibility of a major earthquake striking.
by Ewa Eriksson Desk, officer for South Asia International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
Maoist atrocities compel Kapilvastu people to flee
Following Maoist violence, hundreds of Nepalis from different villages in western Kapilvastu district have fled their homes towards various bordering Indian towns.
Villagers from Hathihawa, Biduwa, lawani, Nandanagar, Banskhor, Patariya, Patna, Ajigara, Jahadi, Kushwa and Fulika VDCs have fled as Maoist insurgents attacked villagers claiming they were involved in the recent spate of anti-Maoist violence, reports said.
However, talking to Nepalnews Thursday afternoon, Mod Raj Dotel, Chief District Officer of the district, said that he didn't have knowledge the exodus of Nepalis to India. "As we have an open border, it is obvious that there is flow of Nepalis to India and vice-versa," he said.
The exodus from the area follows the recent spate of anti-Maoist violence. Earlier this month, Maoists attacked and killed nearly half-a-dozen villagers. Before that, the villages in Kapilvastu had reportedly killed over 20 Maoists in separate clashes.
Due to Maoist insurgency, over 4 million Nepalis have left home to India while over a million Nepalis have been internally displaced, according to reports.
(nepalnews.com, mar 10 05)
Villagers from Hathihawa, Biduwa, lawani, Nandanagar, Banskhor, Patariya, Patna, Ajigara, Jahadi, Kushwa and Fulika VDCs have fled as Maoist insurgents attacked villagers claiming they were involved in the recent spate of anti-Maoist violence, reports said.
However, talking to Nepalnews Thursday afternoon, Mod Raj Dotel, Chief District Officer of the district, said that he didn't have knowledge the exodus of Nepalis to India. "As we have an open border, it is obvious that there is flow of Nepalis to India and vice-versa," he said.
The exodus from the area follows the recent spate of anti-Maoist violence. Earlier this month, Maoists attacked and killed nearly half-a-dozen villagers. Before that, the villages in Kapilvastu had reportedly killed over 20 Maoists in separate clashes.
Due to Maoist insurgency, over 4 million Nepalis have left home to India while over a million Nepalis have been internally displaced, according to reports.
(nepalnews.com, mar 10 05)
Wednesday, March 09, 2005
One Month After the King’s Assumption of Power
The following is a statement by a number of Nepalese human rights organisations. Due to the current threat to human rights defenders, the names of the organisations have been kept confidential.
One Month After the King’s Assumption of Power, March 4, 2005
Since the King’s invocation of Article 27-C to usurp all state power and declare the “State of Emergency” on February 1, the people of the Kingdom of Nepal have had to endure severe suppression of their civil and political rights. Since February 1st more than 530 political activists and human rights defenders have been detained. While some have been released, the detentions continue and many others have been prohibited from moving freely. Among them, more than 300 political leaders and 35 human rights defenders including human rights activists, journalists and trade unionists are still under detention in different unknown detention centers under the “Public Security Act, 1989,” which was initially enforced to suppress the 1990 peaceful democratic movement. With the imposition of “state of emergency” fundamental human rights have been suspended, including freedom of opinion and expression, freedom to peaceful assembly, freedom of movement, press and publication rights, right against preventive detention, right to information, right to property, right to privacy, and right to constitutional remedy except right to habeas corpus. The suspension of fundamental human rights, complete media censorship, and restrictions and detention of leaders has produced a security vacuum in which abuses go unchecked, excessive use of force and authority is apparent, and democratic institutions are severely undermined.
The February 1 move was justified by the King in his notification to the UN as being necessary to provide security and bring peace to the country. However, since February 1st an estimated 229 people have been killed (55 by Maoists and 174 by the state) and accurate accounts of military encounters, aerial bombings, arrests, and disappearances are difficult to decipher due to the military’s control over all information, human rights monitoring, and media. The government has not called for talks with the Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist and has been actively destabilizing democracy and security by restricting civil society, curtailing political rights, arming civilians to create militias, and restricting due legal processes. Therefore, the King’s actions since February 1st do not support his argument for the “state of emergency” or for his assumption of full power.
Other measures taken by the King’s regime since February 1st have included:
* Mass detentions
* Full media censorship, which is under the oversight of the security forces and the newly established Media Monitoring Committee
* Control of communication services
* Hesitation to take habeas corpus cases and other writ petitions of non-suspended rights
* Restriction of travel of human rights defenders, political leaders, and academicians without notification
* Monitoring the activities and movement of human rights defenders and organizations
* Random checking of identity cards
* Formation of the Royal Commission for Corruption Control (RCCC), which has the power to investigate, prosecute and penalize, duplicates the constitutionally established Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority, and the RCCC is a potential tool for political power and revenge
* Creation of a “code of conduct” by the Ministry of Women, Children, and Social Welfare to control and regulate international and national nongovernmental organizations, per the instruction of the Security Sub-Committee.
Despite the suspension of military aid and voiced concerns by some members of the international community, the King has not put forth any plan for peace, for the restoration of democracy or for the dissolution of the “state of emergency.” The King’s ongoing actions are clearly an abuse of power and are destructive to the democratic future of Nepal. Without political, democratic space, the free flow of uncensored information, and unobstructed monitoring by civil society, human rights abuses and atrocities will increase and perpetrators will go unpunished. The human rights community of Nepal urges the international community to take immediate measures for the unconditional release of political leaders and human rights defenders, for the restoration of civil liberties and the guarantee of political freedoms.
One Month After the King’s Assumption of Power, March 4, 2005
Since the King’s invocation of Article 27-C to usurp all state power and declare the “State of Emergency” on February 1, the people of the Kingdom of Nepal have had to endure severe suppression of their civil and political rights. Since February 1st more than 530 political activists and human rights defenders have been detained. While some have been released, the detentions continue and many others have been prohibited from moving freely. Among them, more than 300 political leaders and 35 human rights defenders including human rights activists, journalists and trade unionists are still under detention in different unknown detention centers under the “Public Security Act, 1989,” which was initially enforced to suppress the 1990 peaceful democratic movement. With the imposition of “state of emergency” fundamental human rights have been suspended, including freedom of opinion and expression, freedom to peaceful assembly, freedom of movement, press and publication rights, right against preventive detention, right to information, right to property, right to privacy, and right to constitutional remedy except right to habeas corpus. The suspension of fundamental human rights, complete media censorship, and restrictions and detention of leaders has produced a security vacuum in which abuses go unchecked, excessive use of force and authority is apparent, and democratic institutions are severely undermined.
The February 1 move was justified by the King in his notification to the UN as being necessary to provide security and bring peace to the country. However, since February 1st an estimated 229 people have been killed (55 by Maoists and 174 by the state) and accurate accounts of military encounters, aerial bombings, arrests, and disappearances are difficult to decipher due to the military’s control over all information, human rights monitoring, and media. The government has not called for talks with the Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist and has been actively destabilizing democracy and security by restricting civil society, curtailing political rights, arming civilians to create militias, and restricting due legal processes. Therefore, the King’s actions since February 1st do not support his argument for the “state of emergency” or for his assumption of full power.
Other measures taken by the King’s regime since February 1st have included:
* Mass detentions
* Full media censorship, which is under the oversight of the security forces and the newly established Media Monitoring Committee
* Control of communication services
* Hesitation to take habeas corpus cases and other writ petitions of non-suspended rights
* Restriction of travel of human rights defenders, political leaders, and academicians without notification
* Monitoring the activities and movement of human rights defenders and organizations
* Random checking of identity cards
* Formation of the Royal Commission for Corruption Control (RCCC), which has the power to investigate, prosecute and penalize, duplicates the constitutionally established Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority, and the RCCC is a potential tool for political power and revenge
* Creation of a “code of conduct” by the Ministry of Women, Children, and Social Welfare to control and regulate international and national nongovernmental organizations, per the instruction of the Security Sub-Committee.
Despite the suspension of military aid and voiced concerns by some members of the international community, the King has not put forth any plan for peace, for the restoration of democracy or for the dissolution of the “state of emergency.” The King’s ongoing actions are clearly an abuse of power and are destructive to the democratic future of Nepal. Without political, democratic space, the free flow of uncensored information, and unobstructed monitoring by civil society, human rights abuses and atrocities will increase and perpetrators will go unpunished. The human rights community of Nepal urges the international community to take immediate measures for the unconditional release of political leaders and human rights defenders, for the restoration of civil liberties and the guarantee of political freedoms.
Civil servants to work on Sundays as well
From Kantipur Online:
KATHMANDU, March 9 - The government has decided to make Sunday a working day for civil servants from the start of the Nepali New Year and changed the working hours of government offices. The Cabinet took the decision on March 2, and it comes into effect from April 14. The two-day weekend holiday in the Kathmandu Valley has been around since Aug. 17,1999, when it was introduced on an experimental basis. Under the new provision, offices hours have been setfrom 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. Sunday through Thursday, while on Fridays the working hours will be from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. In the winter season, from mid-November to mid-February, the working hours have been has been fixed from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. The government has also decided to reduce holidays for civil servants by three days. They will now be entitled to six casual leave days and three festival holidays.
KATHMANDU, March 9 - The government has decided to make Sunday a working day for civil servants from the start of the Nepali New Year and changed the working hours of government offices. The Cabinet took the decision on March 2, and it comes into effect from April 14. The two-day weekend holiday in the Kathmandu Valley has been around since Aug. 17,1999, when it was introduced on an experimental basis. Under the new provision, offices hours have been setfrom 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. Sunday through Thursday, while on Fridays the working hours will be from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. In the winter season, from mid-November to mid-February, the working hours have been has been fixed from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. The government has also decided to reduce holidays for civil servants by three days. They will now be entitled to six casual leave days and three festival holidays.
Tuesday, March 08, 2005
Nationwide Pro-democracy Demonstrations in Nepal; hundreds arrested!
Pro-democracy activists demonstrated in almost all the major towns and cities of Nepal today, 8 March 2005. According to the BBC Nepali Service, and Nepal Democrcay Alliance contacts in different parts of Nepal, demonstrations took place, among other places, in Kathmandu, Chitwan, Dhangadhi, Pokhara, Ilam, Siraha, Saptari, Biratnagar, Janakpur, Dhankuta, Rupandehi, Rautahat, Jhapa, Banke, Nawalparasi, Sunasari and Bardiya. Interestingly, pro-democracy and anti-monarchy demonstrations also took place in many villages in the southern terai districts of Nepal, where the government security personnel rarely venture for fear of being attacked by the Maoist rebels. In New Delhi, pro-democracy activists affiliated to CPN(UML) and Nepali Congress burnt the effigy of Gyanendra, and the UML-affiliated Nepali migrant and student organizations collected signatures demanding restoration of democracy, which were then handed over to the Nepal Embassy.
Demonstrators in all the places were reportedly not only pro-democracy but distinctly anti-monarchy as well, with the main slogans of: "We Shall Get Full Democracy," "Down with the Murderer King Gyanendra," "Gyanendra Thief, Quit the Country."
Hundreds of demonstrators are reported to have been arrested by the security personnel. The government has not published the names of those arrested, which in effect increases the risk of some detainees being tortured or "disappeared." These risks are heightened even more due to the severe suppression of free media and systematic intimidation of human rights defenders by Gyanendra Shah and the Royal Nepal Army after the February 1 royal-military coup. These demonstrations were jointly organized by the five major parliamentary political parties (and their sister organizations, notably the women's fronts) of Nepal - Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Lenininist), Nepali Congress (Democrcatic), Jan Morcha Nepal and Nepal Sadvabana Party (Anandidevi). Combined, these five parties had garnered over 90 percent of the total votes cast in the last parliamentary elections.
These five parties have announced that they will struggle jointly until "full democracy" is attained in Nepal. The younger generation leaders and cadres in all of these parties have been openly advocating the overthrow of the monarchy that has repeatedly clamped down on democracy since the last 50 years.
The demonstrations today were organized despite severe repression by the royal-military government of Gyanandra Shah, who has been dubbed internationally as a "despot" after his February 1 military coup.
Gyanendra had deployed thousands of security personnel in all the major towns and cities to prevent these demonstrations. He had also unleashed the security personnel to raid the houses of pro-democracy leaders in the last few days to arrest them and thus prevent them from organizing the demonstrations planned for today.
Demonstrators in all the places were reportedly not only pro-democracy but distinctly anti-monarchy as well, with the main slogans of: "We Shall Get Full Democracy," "Down with the Murderer King Gyanendra," "Gyanendra Thief, Quit the Country."
Hundreds of demonstrators are reported to have been arrested by the security personnel. The government has not published the names of those arrested, which in effect increases the risk of some detainees being tortured or "disappeared." These risks are heightened even more due to the severe suppression of free media and systematic intimidation of human rights defenders by Gyanendra Shah and the Royal Nepal Army after the February 1 royal-military coup. These demonstrations were jointly organized by the five major parliamentary political parties (and their sister organizations, notably the women's fronts) of Nepal - Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Lenininist), Nepali Congress (Democrcatic), Jan Morcha Nepal and Nepal Sadvabana Party (Anandidevi). Combined, these five parties had garnered over 90 percent of the total votes cast in the last parliamentary elections.
These five parties have announced that they will struggle jointly until "full democracy" is attained in Nepal. The younger generation leaders and cadres in all of these parties have been openly advocating the overthrow of the monarchy that has repeatedly clamped down on democracy since the last 50 years.
The demonstrations today were organized despite severe repression by the royal-military government of Gyanandra Shah, who has been dubbed internationally as a "despot" after his February 1 military coup.
Gyanendra had deployed thousands of security personnel in all the major towns and cities to prevent these demonstrations. He had also unleashed the security personnel to raid the houses of pro-democracy leaders in the last few days to arrest them and thus prevent them from organizing the demonstrations planned for today.
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